Ask not what your country can do for you

Ask not what your country can do for you

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbours know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belabouring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavour will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what, together, we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.

“Ask Not What Your Country Can Do for You…”

In his inaugural address in 1961, President John Kennedy gave a stirring speech in which he famously stated, “And so, my fellow Americans: Ask not what your country can do for you – ask what you can do for your country.”

He then went on to say, “Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.”

John Kennedy was by most measures, one of the better US presidents. But he did believe in the concept that the role of the people of a country should be to serve their country and to sacrifice themselves to it.

Let’s put this in perspective.

In seeking employment, you don’t seek a particular job because your primary concern is that, in that job, you can “make a difference.” This is a nice thought, but it’s not why you seek a job. You seek it because it will provide you with what you’re after for yourself – possibly a good salary, possibly interesting work, possibly fringe benefits, etc.

You certainly don’t seek a particular job because they need you to sacrifice for them.

For their part, potential employers generally try to provide good working conditions, good salaries and benefits in order to attract the best people to want to work for them.

It’s the same when you seek to buy products. Advertisers appeal to your desires, hoping to convince you to buy their widget, rather than a competitor’s widget. Never do they say, “We want you to buy our product because you have an obligation to provide income for us.” You make your choice solely on whether that product appeals to you.

And in seeking a place to live, you might look for a community that’s relatively safe, or has good schools, or has good infrastructure. You don’t choose a community because it needs you more than another town or city.

Communities try to put on their best face to attract better residents. They most certainly do not say, “Move here so that you can serve us.” That would discourage potential residents, not encourage them.

And yet, for millennia, governments have taken the odd stance that you should serve them – to be “patriotic.” The premise is that since, by an accident of birth, you were born in a particular country, you therefore owe dedication and sacrifice to that county.

Throughout your life, it’s suggested to you that you should not only willingly sacrifice yourself to your country of birth; you should even take pride in paying whatever tax they burden you with.

The supreme example of this is found in countries that wage war against each other. At such times they go all out to remind you that you should take pride in becoming cannon fodder. As stated by the Roman poet Horace, “Dulce et decorum est, pro patria mori.” (Sweet and fitting it is, to die for one’s country.)

Once again… nonsense.

To date, I’ve never met an individual who chose his place of birth. To my mind, that means that since it was beyond his choice, he owes no particular loyalty to that country. If he chooses to swear allegiance to it at some point, that should be his prerogative, not his obligation.

Let’s look at this in another light.

When I was an infant, I was baptised into a church. That church, throughout my childhood, reminded me that I was a member and owed my allegiance to, not only its perceptions of a God, but to the institution of the church itself. By the age of thirteen, I had come to the conclusion that I owed them no such dedication, as I had not chosen to be baptised. The church and I parted ways. Whatever spiritual leanings I retained were independent of any loyalty to a particular institution that used religion as its format.

By contrast, the Amish, who admittedly run a pretty strict shop, leave baptism to the individual. A young Amish fellow has no responsibility to the church. He may smoke, drink alcohol, go to parties and pursue other worldly pleasures until he makes the decision to join the church of his own volition.

Most young Amish men choose to join the church in early manhood, often because they can marry a woman who’s a member of the church only if they themselves have joined. This is certainly an incentive, but the fact remains: The choice is their own.

Once we have all of the above in perspective, we may ask ourselves what role our government should play in our lives.

We know that advertisers do their best to con us into buying their products; employers often offer attractive employment packages; and even towns and religions make an effort to present themselves in a favourable light. The objective is to get us to buy in, to take up their offer.

However, governments make less of an effort in the way of a sales pitch. Certainly, they promote themselves as being good leaders, but the loyalty and dedication tends to be something that’s expected by them. If they don’t receive it, they tend to take it by force.

Most all countries issue passports and each regards passports as a privilege, not a right. You’re allowed a document for travel only if they see fit to let you go beyond their borders.

Most countries, however, are very lenient in this regard. As long as you commit no major crime, your international movement is not curtailed. And not many countries insist that you join their armed forces. The larger the country, the more likely that these requirements will be imposed upon you.

And the more your country of birth seeks to keep you in, the more you should question whether your unwilling “baptism” is in your own interest.

We’re entering an era in which some of the world’s most prominent countries will be increasing their migration controls. Even countries that are very free when allowing new residents in, are already passing legislation that will prevent born citizens from leaving.

We’re seeing this, in particular, in North America and Europe. Increasingly, exit from these countries is not by right, but by permission. And those restrictions are tightening.

One essential principle in the definition of a “free” country is that a free country is one that you can leave at will. The greater the restrictions on leaving, the less free the country is.

Regardless of the sales pitch by any government that you should “not ask what your country can do for you,” if another country has a better offer, it deserves your consideration. If your government takes its “ownership” of you further by stating that you should sacrifice yourself to it, all the more reason to question whether you should remain there… or look for a better offer elsewhere.

Editor’s Note: Unfortunately, most people have no idea what really happens when a government goes out of control, let alone how to prepare.

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Инаугурационная речь президента США Джона Ф. Кеннеди (текст речи на русском и английском языках)

11.05.2020 No Comments Posted in

Текст инаугурационной речи Джона Кеннеди на русском языке

“Уважаемые вице-президент Джонсон, спикер, председатель Верховного суда, президент Эйзенхауэр, вице-президент Никсон, президент Трумэн, преподобные отцы и сограждане!

Сегодня мы стали свидетелями не победы партии, а торжества свободы, символизирующей конец и одновременно начало значительных обновлений и перемен. Сегодня я принес перед вами и Всемогущим Богом ту самую торжественную присягу, которую завещали нам отцы-основатели еще сто семьдесят пять лет назад.

Мир изменился. Сегодня человек обладает достаточными возможностями, чтобы уничтожить все виды нищеты, но и достаточной силой, чтобы уничтожать жизни. Однако в мире все еще актуальна революционная по своей сути вера, за которую сражались наши предки, – вера в то, что права даруются человеку не милостью государства, а рукой Божьей.

И нам ни в коем случае не следует забывать, что мы – преемники той самой первой революции. Пусть сейчас с этого места до друга и до врага долетит весть о том, что эстафета передана новому поколению американцев, рожденных в этом веке, закаленных войной, победивших трудности мирного времени, людям, которые гордятся своим древним наследием и не желают видеть и допускать уничтожение прав человека – тех принципов, которым всегда был предан наш народ и которым мы преданы и поныне – как на родине, так и во всем мире.

Пусть каждое государство, желает ли оно нам добра или зла, знает, что мы заплатим любую цену, вынесем все трудности, преодолеем любые испытания, поддержим своих друзей и остановим врагов ради спасения и укрепления свободы.

Мы обещаем это – и более того.

Своим давним союзникам, с которыми мы имеем общие культурные и духовные истоки, мы клянемся в преданности верных друзей.

Объединившись, мы станем непобедимыми на пути достижения общих целей. Разобщенные, мы мало что сможем сделать, поскольку будем не в силах противостоять мощным вызовам, оставаясь в одиночестве и без согласия друг с другом.

Новым государствам, которые мы рады приветствовать в рядах свободных стран, даем слово, что колониальная форма правления уходит в прошлое не для того, чтобы уступить место более жестокой тирании. Мы не надеемся, что эти государства всегда будут разделять нашу точку зрения. Однако мы всегда будем рассчитывать на то, что они уверенно защищают собственную свободу и помнят, что глупцы, желающие показать свою силу, сев верхом на тигра, в конце концов оказываются у него в пасти.

Тем людям в хижинах и селах по всему миру, которые не перестают бороться со всеобщей нищетой, мы обещаем всеми силами помочь самостоятельно себя обеспечивать, – сколько бы времени на это не понадобилось. Мы будем помогать им не потому, что это могут сделать коммунисты, и не потому, что мы ищем расположения, а потому что это правильно. Если свободное общество не способно помочь бедным, ему не удастся сохранить и нескольких обеспеченных граждан.

Братским республикам к югу от наших границ мы даем особое обещание – добрые слова мы воплотим в добрые поступки, объединившись с ними в новый союз ради прогресса, чтобы помочь свободным людям и свободной власти сбросить путы бедности. Но эта мирная революция во имя надежды не должна стать добычей враждебных сил. Пусть все наши соседи знают, что мы придем им на помощь, дадим отпор агрессии и пресечем любую диверсионную деятельность на территории обеих Америк. И пусть все знают, что наше полушарие намерено оставаться хозяином в собственном доме.

Всемирному союзу суверенных государств, Организации Объединенных Наций, последней надежде на лучшее будущее в нашем веке, когда орудия войны гораздо совершенней орудия мира, мы снова обещаем поддержку; эта организация не должна превратиться в форум для взаимных обвинений, пусть она усиливает свою мощь, ограждающую молодые и слабые государства, и расширяет сферу своего влияния.

И, наконец, к странам, которые пожелают стать нашими противниками, мы обращаемся не с обещанием, а с предложением: нам следует заново начать поиски мирных решений, прежде чем разрушительные силы, высвобожденные наукой, уничтожат человечество в результате случая или преступного намерения.

Мы не рискнем провоцировать их слабостью. Ведь несомненно, только располагая достаточным вооружением, мы сможем быть полностью уверенными, что оно не будет применяться.

Однако наш нынешний курс может и не удовлетворить эти две большие и могущественные группы стран, когда обе стороны отягощены расходами на современное вооружение и справедливо обеспокоены неуклонным распространением беспощадного атома, но при этом обе стремятся склонить чашу весов в свою сторону и тем самым нарушить чрезвычайно неустойчивое равновесие, которое сдерживает начало последней войны в истории человечества.

Так давайте же заново строить наши отношения, чтобы обе стороны помнили, что цивилизованность – это не признак слабости, а искренность всегда должна подтверждаться поступками. Не стоит договариваться из страха. Давайте не будем бояться вести переговоры.

Пусть обе стороны определят вопросы, которые нас объединяют, вместо того чтобы тратить время и силы на то, что нас разобщает.

Пусть обе стороны впервые вынесут серьезные и конкретные предложения по инспектированию и контролю над вооружением, чтобы силы, направленные на уничтожение других стран, поставить под всеобщий совместный контроль.

Пусть обе стороны ищут пути творить не ужасы, а создавать чудеса науки.

Давайте же вместе исследовать звезды, покорять пустыни, бороться с болезнями, изучать океанские глубины, поощрять развитие искусства и торговли.

Давайте объединимся, чтобы донести во все уголки мира заповедь Исайи – “развяжи узлы ярма… и порабощенных отпусти на свободу”.

И если новый принцип взаимодействия сумеет пробиться сквозь путы подозрительности, пусть обе стороны объединятся и попытаются создать не новый баланс сил, а новый устрой, где правит закон, где сильные – справедливы, а слабые – защищены, где царит мир.

Однако этот путь не пройти за сто дней. Не сделать это и за первую тысячу дней, и за срок работы настоящей администрации, а может быть – и за всю нашу жизнь. Но давайте же сделаем первый шаг.

Окончательный успех или провал нашего курса будет не столько в моих, сколько в ваших руках, мои сограждане. С самого основания нашей страны каждому поколению наших граждан приходилось доказывать свою верность государству. Весь земной шар усеян могилами молодых американцев, откликнувшихся на призыв служить.

Сейчас мы снова слышим призыв. Но не к оружию, хоть мы в нем и нуждаемся, не к бою, хоть мы к нему готовы, мы слышим призыв год за годом, “радуясь надежде и претерпевая невзгоды”, нести бремя долгой и тяжелой борьбы – борьбы против общих врагов человечества: тирании, бедности, болезней и войн.

Сможем ли мы сплотиться и противопоставить этим врагам великий глобальный союз Севера и Юга, Востока и Запада, способный дать всему человечеству лучшую жизнь? Присоединитесь ли вы к этой исторической попытке?

В долгой мировой истории только немногим поколениям выпадала честь защищать свободу в момент наивысшей для нее опасности. Я не уклоняюсь от такой ответственности – я ее приветствую. И не думаю, что кто-то из нас пожелал бы поменяться местами с другими народами или поколениями. Наша энергия, вера и преданность делу осветит эту страну и всех тех, кто служит ей, – и свет этот может воистину озарить весь мир.

Поэтому, дорогие американцы, не спрашивайте, что может предложить вам Америка, – спросите, что вы можете сделать для своей страны.

Дорогие сограждане мира, не спрашивайте, что Америка может сделать для вас, – спросите, что все мы можем вместе сделать для свободы человека.

В конце концов, кем бы вы ни были, гражданами Америки или гражданами мира, требуйте от нас такой же силы и жертвенности, как мы ждем от вас. С чистой совестью, нашей единственной и безоговорочной наградой после окончательного суда истории над нашими поступками, мы будем идти вперед, направляя страну, которую мы любим, на путь истинный, прося Его благословения и помощи, но зная, что тут, на земле, дело Божье воистину должно быть нашим делом.”

Президент США Джон Ф. Кеннеди

Текст инаугурационной речи Джона Кеннеди на английском языке

Inaugural Address, January 20, 1961
John F. Kennedy

“We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe — the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first Revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge — and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom — and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required — not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds in a new alliance for progress to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course: both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again — not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are — but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation,” a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility — I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you — ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own.”

Taken from: Robert Torricelli, ed., In Our Own Words: Extraordinary Speeches of the American Century (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000), pg.222

Секрет успеха в … хиазме!

Особенность хиазма или обратной параллельной конструкции заключается в перекрестном расположении слов и фраз в первой и второй части высказывания. Проще говоря, вторая часть высказывания представляет собой зеркальное отражение первой:

Иногда хиазм может быть реализован посредством перехода от активной конструкции к пассивной и наоборот.

Например: He who fails to prepare is prepared to fail. – Тот, кому не удается подготовиться, готов к неудаче.

Как влияет использование хиазма на нашу речь?

У хиазма достаточно широкая сфера применения, мы находим его в художественных произведениях, в речах политических деятелей, а также в рекламе.

В литературных произведениях хиазм придает высказыванию ироничный тон:

Хиазм – стилистический прием, которым пользовались и пользуются многие известные политические деятели. В речах и вступлениях хиазм является мощнейшим инструментом привлечения внимания аудитории, помогает политику не только расположить к себе слушающих, но и сделать их своими союзниками или партнерами.

In the end, the true test is not the speeches a president delivers; it’s whether the president delivers on the speeches. (Hillary Clinton) – В конечном итоге, тестом на доверие президенту являются не его речи, а факт выполнения обещаний, которые содержатся в его речах.

Копирайтеры активно используют хиазм в рекламных текстах для создания яркого и запоминающегося образа рекламируемого продукта. Продукта, который потребитель захочет приобрести.

You can take it out of the country, but you can’t take the country out of it. ( реклама сигарет Salem) – Америка без Salem? Да. Salem без Америки? Нет.

И если вы готовитесь к выступлению на конференции, к презентации или переговорам, которые будут проходить на английском языке, имеет смысл посмотреть подборки высказываний знаменитых людей, в которых встречается хиазм.

Или же попробовать составить свой хиазм, ведь это не так уж и сложно! Что скажете?

«Ask not what your country can do for you. «

Download this lesson plan, including handouts, as a pdf.

Overview

Type: Lesson Plan

Topic: Campaign, Election, and Inauguration

Grade Level: Grades 3-6

Subject Area: US History, Civics and US Government, English Language Arts

Time Required: 2 hours

Goals/Rationale

John F. Kennedy’s inaugural address inspired children and adults to see the importance of civic action and public service. His historic words, “Ask not what your country can do for you – ask what you can do for your country,” challenged every American to contribute in some way to the public good. In this lesson, students learn about a theme in President Kennedy’s inaugural address, civic action, and consider how it applies to their own lives.

Essential Question: How does a leader inspire a nation or a group of people?

Objectives

Students will be able to:

Preparation

Prior Knowledge and Skills

Students should be familiar with the concept of the inauguration of a president (see Additional Resources). A biography of John F. Kennedy is available here. There is a link to President Kennedy’s inaugural address on this page.

Historical Background and Context

On January 20, 1961, a clerk of the US Supreme Court held the large Fitzgerald family Bible as John F. Kennedy took the oath of office to become the nation’s 35th president. Against a backdrop of deep snow and sunshine, more than twenty thousand people huddled in 20-degree temperatures on the east front of the Capitol to witness the event. Kennedy, having removed his topcoat and projecting both youth and vigor, delivered what has become a landmark inaugural address.

His audience reached far beyond those gathered before him to people around the world. In preparing for this moment, he sought both to inspire the nation and to send a message abroad signaling the challenges of the Cold War and his hope for peace in the nuclear age. He also wanted to be brief. As he’d remarked to his close advisor, Ted Sorensen, “I don’t want people to think I’m a windbag.”

He assigned Sorensen the task of studying other inaugural speeches and Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address to glean the secrets of successful addresses. The finely-crafted final speech had been revised and reworked numerous times by Kennedy and Sorensen until the President-elect was satisfied. Though not the shortest of inaugural addresses, Kennedy’s was shorter than most at 1,355 words in length and, like Lincoln’s famous speech, was comprised of short phrases and words. In addition to message, word choice and length, he recognized that captivating his audience required a powerful delivery. On the day before and on the morning of Inauguration Day, he kept a copy handy to take advantage of any spare moment to review it, even at the breakfast table.

What many consider to be the most memorable and enduring section of the speech came towards the end when Kennedy called on all Americans to commit themselves to service and sacrifice: “And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you – ask what you can do for your country.” He then continued by addressing his international audience: “My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.”

Having won the election by one of the smallest popular vote margins in history, Kennedy had known the great importance of this speech. People who witnessed the speech or heard it broadcast over television and radio lauded the new President. Even elementary school children wrote to him with their reactions to his ideas. Following his inaugural address, nearly seventy-five percent of Americans expressed approval of President Kennedy.

Materials

Letter from Brenda Sue Wesson

Procedure

Part I: Examining the Evidence

Begin the activity with a discussion about the most recent presidential inauguration. What happened that day? Were there students who watched it? Read about it? Listened to the inaugural address? What were some of the topics and ideas the president discussed in his speech? How did the crowd respond?

1. Explain that on January 20, 1961, John F. Kennedy, the youngest US president ever elected, gave an inaugural address which is now well-known for its powerful language and message. They will have the opportunity to examine historical evidence from the Kennedy Presidential Library to find out more about John F. Kennedy’s inaugural address and its impact on people at that moment in time.

2. Distribute copies of the letter.

3. Lead a discussion to interpret the information. Include some or all of the following questions:

4. According to students’ interests, share photographs of the inauguration and excerpts of the speech. Visit web pages on Passing the Torch and Poetry and Power, two museum exhibits about the inauguration.

5. Explain that many people remember the cold that day, but they also remember particular quotes from Kennedy’s speech. In the next lesson, they will find out more about Kennedy’s inaugural address.

Part 2: “Ask not what your country can do for you”

1. Ask if anyone knows a famous quote from Kennedy’s inaugural address. After students respond, write the quote on a blackboard or chart paper: “And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.” Explain that these words are some of the most well-known from Kennedy’s inaugural address. Can they put the quote in their own words? What does it mean?

2. Have students brainstorm a list of actions they might take in response to John F. Kennedy’s call to service. What could they do to help their family, school, community, or country in some way?

3. As a class, select one action from the list that students generated. Devise an action plan and carry it out. Or, have students draw posters to publicize their civic action idea.

Assessment

Have students imagine they watched President Kennedy’s inauguration on January 20, 1961, either on television or in person. Their assignment is to write a journal entry about the event. They can write the entry as themselves or an imagined character. The entry should include:

Extensions

1. How might students check to see what John F. Kennedy actually said in his speech? Access President Kennedy’s inaugural address here. Have students read a transcript as they listen to the speech (translations of the inaugural address are also available here). Ask them to highlight the parts of the speech that might have inspired Brenda Sue Wesson to write a letter to the president. (Since the speech has many words that are unfamiliar to elementary students, it is best to preview vocabulary and concepts with them before reading the speech).

2. Have students study and present quotes from the speech. Divide the class into small groups. Have each group put the quote into their own words. Challenge students to memorize the quote, present it to the class, and explain what they think the quote means.

“If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.”

“All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.”

“The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.”

“In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility—I welcome it.”

3. Read and/or listen to all or part of the most recent inaugural address. What message do students hear? What part of it is most important to them? As individuals, or as a class, write a letter to the president, responding to the speech.

Additional Resources

Hossell, Karen Price, John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Speech. Heinemann-Raintree: 2005, 48 pages.
In addition to dense text written for upper elementary and middle-school students, this account describes in detail JFK’s inaugural ceremony. It breaks down the speech into sections and gives a detailed explanation with photographs to explain each excerpt. It also includes historical context leading up to the 1960 election and major events of Kennedy’s presidency.

John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum: Access President Kennedy’s inaugural address here. (To find more of his speeches, select “Research Aids” under “Research.”) To access online resources on the inauguration, including memos and early drafts of the speech, visit the Poetry and Power and Passing the Torch special exhibits.

“Presidential Inaugurations: I Do Solemnly Swear” guides you through a series of lessons that introduce students to presidential inaugurations using primary source material.

Joint Congressional Committee on Inaugural Ceremonies includes videos, charts, and narratives on all aspects of the inaugural ceremony. A student-friendly chart listing the date and location of every inauguration has links to each president with information on who administered the oath of office, what bible was used, the length of the inaugural address, attire, weather, and other interesting facts.

Library of Congress: «I Do Solemnly Swear. «: From the American Memory collection at the Library of Congress, “I Do Solemnly Swear” guides you to photographs and documents from inaugurations throughout history, oath of office information, and interesting facts about these ceremonies.

Connections to Curriculum Standards

National Standards for Civics and Government

National History Standards: Historical Thinking Standards

Common Core State Standards

C3 Framework for Social Studies State Standards

Massachusetts History and Social Science Framework

Massachusetts English Language Arts Framework