That is the resolve of his majesty s government
That is the resolve of his majesty s government
Мы будем сражаться на пляжах
Из Википедии — свободной энциклопедии
| Мы будем сражаться на пляжах | |
|---|---|
| англ. We Shall Fight on the Beaches | |
| Основная тема | Дюнкеркская операция и Великобритания во Второй мировой войне |
| Предыдущее по порядку | Кровь, пот и слёзы |
| Следующее по порядку | Их звёздный час |
| Автор | Уинстон Черчилль |
| Место первого исполнения | Палата общин Великобритании |
| Язык произведения или названия | английский |
| Момент времени | 4 июня 1940 |
| Выступающий | Уинстон Черчилль |
«Мы будем сражаться на пляжах» (англ. We Shall Fight on the Beaches ) — речь Уинcтона Черчилля, произнесённая им 4 июня 1940 года перед палатой общин. Второе выступление перед парламентом в качестве премьер-министра после вступления Великобритании во Вторую мировую войну.
В этой речи Черчиллю пришлось сообщить нации о постигшей союзников военной катастрофе и предупредить о возможной попытке вторжения Германии. Премьер-министр подготавливал британцев к тому, что Францию спасти не удастся, и она выйдет из войны, а также ещё раз подтверждал свою приверженность принципам, выраженным в речи от 13 мая 1940 года «Кровь, пот и слёзы».
Текст песни We Shall Fight On The Beaches (Winston Churchill) с переводом
‘When Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed boats and his
Grand Army, he was told by someone. «There are bitter weeds in England.
«There are certainly a great many more of them since the British Expeditionary
I have, myself, full confidence that if all do their duty, if nothing is
neglected, and if the best arrangements are made, as they are being made,
we shall prove ourselves once again able to defend our Island home,
to ride out the storm of war, and to outlive the menace of tyranny,
if necessary for years, if necessary alone.
At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do. That is the resolve of His
Majesty’s Government-every man of them. That is the will of Parliament and the
The British Empire and the French Republic, linked together in their cause and
in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other
like good comrades to the utmost of their strength.
Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen
or may fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi
rule, we shall not flag or fail.
We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France,
We shall fight on the seas and oceans,
We shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air,
we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be,
We shall fight on the beaches,
We shall fight on the landing grounds,
We shall fight in the fields and in the streets,
We shall fight in the hills;
We shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe,
this Island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving,
then our Empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet,
would carry on the struggle, until, in God’s good time, the New World,
with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of
Перевод песни We Shall Fight On The Beaches
«Когда Наполеон лежал в Булони целый год со своими плоскими лодками и своей
Великой армией, ему кто-то сказал:» в Англии есть горькие сорняки.
«Их, конечно, гораздо больше с тех пор, как вернулись британские экспедиционные
Я полностью уверен в том, что, если все исполнят свой долг, если ничто не будет забыто, и если будут приняты самые лучшие меры, как они были приняты, мы вновь докажем себе, что в состоянии защитить наш остров, преодолеть шторм войны и пережить угрозу тирании, если это необходимо в течение многих лет, если это необходимо в одиночку.
Во всяком случае, это то, что мы попытаемся сделать. такова его решимость.
Правительство Величества-каждый из них, это воля парламента и
Британская Империя и Французская Республика, связанные вместе в своем деле и
в своих нуждах, будут защищать до смерти свою родную землю, помогая друг другу,
как хорошие товарищи, до предела своих сил.
Даже несмотря на то, что большие пространства Европы и многие старые и знаменитые государства пали
или могут попасть в объятия Гестапо и всего отвратительного аппарата нацистского
правления, мы не будем флагом или провалом.
Мы пойдем до конца, мы будем сражаться во Франции, мы будем сражаться на морях и океанах, мы будем сражаться с растущей уверенностью и растущей силой в воздухе, мы будем защищать наш остров, какой бы ни была цена, мы будем сражаться на пляжах, мы будем сражаться на посадочных площадках, мы будем сражаться на полях и на улицах, мы будем сражаться на холмах; мы никогда не сдадимся, и даже если, как я ни на миг поверю, этот остров или его большая его часть были покорены и голодны, тогда наша Империя будет воевать за пределами. британский флот будет продолжать борьбу до тех пор, пока, в благое для Бога время, новый мир, со всей его силой и мощью, не придет на помощь и не освободит старое».
Winston Churchill proclaims
“We will fight on the beaches”
| Speaker: | Winston Churchill |
| Delivered On: | 6/4/1940 |
| Place: | Parliament, London, UK |
| Subject: | World War II |
| Audio/Video Available: |
during the time of the Battle of France. In this particular speech, Churchill warned
the people of a German attempt at invasion, while reassuring the public that a victory
would occur in the future. He encouraged them to “fight on the beaches,” and anywhere
necessary – to “never surrender.”
When Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed boats and his Grand
Army, he was told by someone there are bitter weeds in England. There certainly
are a great many more since the British expeditionary force returned.
Sir, I have myself full confidence that if all do their duty and if nothing is neglected
and if the best arrangements are made, and they are being made, we shall prove ourselves
once more able to defend our island home, ride out the storm of war and to outlive
the menace of tyranny, if necessary, for years, if necessary, alone.
At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do. That is the resolve of His
Majesty’s Government, every man of them. That is the will of Parliament and the
nation. The British Empire and the French Republic, linked together in their cause
and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other
like good comrades to the utmost of their strength.
We shall go on to the end. We shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas
and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air.
We shall defend our island whatever the cost may be.
We shall fight on beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight
in fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills. We shall never surrender
and if, which I do not for the moment believe, this island or a large part of it
were subjugated and starving, then our empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded
by the British Fleet, will carry on the struggle until in God’s good time the New
World with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and liberation of
the Old.
We shall fight on the beaches
From the moment that the French defences at Sedan and on the Meuse were broken at the end of the second week of May, only a rapid retreat to Amiens and the south could have saved the British and French armies who had entered Belgium at the appeal of the Belgian king; but this strategic fact was not immediately realised. The French High Command hoped they would be able to close the gap, and the armies of the north were under their orders. Moreover, a retirement of this kind would have involved almost certainly the destruction of the fine Belgian army of over 20 divisions and the abandonment of the whole of Belgium. Therefore, when the force and scope of the German penetration were realised and when a new French Generalissimo, General Weygand, assumed command in place of General Gamelin, an effort was made by the French and British armies in Belgium to keep on holding the right hand of the Belgians and to give their own right hand to a newly created French army which was to have advanced across the Somme in great strength to grasp it.
However, the German eruption swept like a sharp scythe around the right and rear of the Armies of the north. Eight or nine armoured divisions, each of about four hundred armoured vehicles of different kinds, but carefully assorted to be complementary and divisible into small self-contained units, cut off all communications between us and the main French armies. It severed our own communications for food and ammunition, which ran first to Amiens and afterwards through Abbeville, and it shore its way up the coast to Boulogne and Calais, and almost to Dunkirk. Behind this armoured and mechanised onslaught came a number of German divisions in lorries, and behind them again there plodded comparatively slowly the dull brute mass of the ordinary German army and German people, always so ready to be led to the trampling down in other lands of liberties and comforts which they have never known in their own.
Thus it was that the port of Dunkirk was kept open. When it was found impossible for the armies of the north to reopen their communications to Amiens with the main French armies, only one choice remained. It seemed, indeed, forlorn. The Belgian, British and French armies were almost surrounded. Their sole line of retreat was to a single port and to its neighbouring beaches. They were pressed on every side by heavy attacks and far outnumbered in the air.
I asked the house a week ago to suspend its judgment because the facts were not clear, but I do not feel that any reason now exists why we should not form our own opinions upon this pitiful episode. The surrender of the Belgian Army compelled the British at the shortest notice to cover a flank to the sea more than 30 miles in length. Otherwise all would have been cut off, and all would have shared the fate to which King Leopold had condemned the finest army his country had ever formed. So in doing this and in exposing this flank, as anyone who followed the operations on the map will see, contact was lost between the British and two out of the three corps forming the First French Army, who were still farther from the coast than we were, and it seemed impossible that any large number of Allied troops could reach the coast.
Meanwhile, the Royal Navy, with the willing help of countless merchant seamen, strained every nerve to embark the British and allied troops; 220 light warships and 650 other vessels were engaged. They had to operate upon the difficult coast, often in adverse weather, under an almost ceaseless hail of bombs and an increasing concentration of artillery fire. Nor were the seas, as I have said, themselves free from mines and torpedoes. It was in conditions such as these that our men carried on, with little or no rest, for days and nights on end, making trip after trip across the dangerous waters, bringing with them always men whom they had rescued. The numbers they have brought back are the measure of their devotion and their courage. The hospital ships, which brought off many thousands of British and French wounded, being so plainly marked were a special target for Nazi bombs; but the men and women on board them never faltered in their duty.
We must be very careful not to assign to this deliverance the attributes of a victory. Wars are not won by evacuations. But there was a victory inside this deliverance, which should be noted. It was gained by the air force. Many of our soldiers coming back have not seen the air force at work; they saw only the bombers which escaped its protective attack. They underrate its achievements. I have heard much talk of this; that is why I go out of my way to say this. I will tell you about it.
When we consider how much greater would be our advantage in defending the air above this Island against an overseas attack, I must say that I find in these facts a sure basis upon which practical and reassuring thoughts may rest. I will pay my tribute to these young airmen. The great French Army was very largely, for the time being, cast back and disturbed by the onrush of a few thousands of armoured vehicles. May it not also be that the cause of civilisation itself will be defended by the skill and devotion of a few thousand airmen? There never has been, I suppose, in all the world, in all the history of war, such an opportunity for youth. The Knights of the Round Table, the Crusaders, all fall back into the past-not only distant but prosaic; these young men, going forth every morn to guard their native land and all that we stand for, holding in their hands these instruments of colossal and shattering power, of whom it may be said that:
Every morn brought forth a noble chance
And every chance brought forth a noble knight.
They deserve our gratitude, as do all the brave men who, in so many ways and on so many occasions, are ready, and continue ready to give life and all for their native land.
That expansion had not been proceeding as far as we had hoped. The best of all we had to give had gone to the British Expeditionary Force, and although they had not the numbers of tanks and some articles of equipment which were desirable, they were a very well and finely equipped army. They had the first-fruits of all that our industry had to give, and that is gone. And now here is this further delay. How long it will be, how long it will last, depends upon the exertions which we make in this Island. An effort the like of which has never been seen in our records is now being made. Work is proceeding everywhere, night and day, Sundays and weekdays. Capital and labour have cast aside their interests, rights, and customs and put them into the common stock. Already the flow of munitions has leapt forward. There is no reason why we should not in a few months overtake the sudden and serious loss that has come upon us, without retarding the development of our general programme.
Nevertheless, our thankfulness at the escape of our Army and so many men, whose loved ones have passed through an agonising week, must not blind us to the fact that what has happened in France and Belgium is a colossal military disaster. The French Army has been weakened, the Belgian Army has been lost, a large part of those fortified lines upon which so much faith had been reposed is gone, many valuable mining districts and factories have passed into the enemy’s possession, the whole of the Channel ports are in his hands, with all the tragic consequences that follow from that, and we must expect another blow to be struck almost immediately at us or at France. We are told that Herr Hitler has a plan for invading the British Isles. This has often been thought of before. When Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed boats and his Grand Army, he was told by someone: «There are bitter weeds in England.» There are certainly a great many more of them since the British Expeditionary Force returned.
The whole question of home defence against invasion is, of course, powerfully affected by the fact that we have for the time being in this Island incomparably more powerful military forces than we have ever had at any moment in this war or the last. But this will not continue. We shall not be content with a defensive war. We have our duty to our Ally. We have to reconstitute and build up the British Expeditionary Force once again, under its gallant Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gort. All this is in train; but in the interval we must put our defences in this island into such a high state of organisation that the fewest possible numbers will be required to give effective security and that the largest possible potential of offensive effort may be realised.
On this we are now engaged. It will be very convenient, if it be the desire of the house, to enter upon this subject in a secret Session. Not that the government would necessarily be able to reveal in very great detail military secrets, but we like to have our discussions free, without the restraint imposed by the fact that they will be read the next day by the enemy; and the Government would benefit by views freely expressed in all parts of the house by members with their knowledge of so many different parts of the country. I understand that some request is to be made upon this subject, which will be readily acceded to by His Majesty’s Government.
We have found it necessary to take measures of increasing stringency, not only against enemy aliens and suspicious characters of other nationalities, but also against British subjects who may become a danger or a nuisance should the war be transported to the United Kingdom. I know there are a great many people affected by the orders which we have made who are the passionate enemies of Nazi Germany. I am very sorry for them, but we cannot, at the present time and under the present stress, draw all the distinctions which we should like to do.
If parachute landings were attempted and fierce fighting attendant upon them followed, these unfortunate people would be far better out of the way, for their own sakes as well as for ours. There is, however, another class, for which I feel not the slightest sympathy. Parliament has given us the powers to put down Fifth Column activities with a strong hand, and we shall use those powers subject to the supervision and correction of the house, without the slightest hesitation until we are satisfied, and more than satisfied, that this malignancy in our midst has been effectively stamped out.
Turning once again, and this time more generally, to the question of invasion, I would observe that there has never been a period in all these long centuries of which we boast when an absolute guarantee against invasion, still less against serious raids, could have been given to our people.
In the days of Napoleon the same wind which would have carried his transports across the Channel might have driven away the blockading fleet. There was always the chance, and it is that chance which has excited and befooled the imaginations of many continental tyrants. Many are the tales that are told. We are assured that novel methods will be adopted, and when we see the originality of malice, the ingenuity of aggression, which our enemy displays, we may certainly prepare ourselves for every kind of novel stratagem and every kind of brutal and treacherous manoeuvre. I think that no idea is so outlandish that it should not be considered and viewed with a searching, but at the same time, I hope, with a steady eye. We must never forget the solid assurances of sea power and those which belong to air power if it can be locally exercised.
The British Empire and the French Republic, linked together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost of their strength. Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen or may fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be.
We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God’s good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.
· Speech copyright © Winston S Churchill. Reproduced with permission of Curtis Brown Ltd, London on behalf of The Estate of Winston Churchill.
· Collect the first of 14 booklets including this speech, Simon Schama’s introduction and contemporary Guardian coverage, free with the Guardian on Saturday April 21 2007.
his majestys government
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