What is the historic color of northern ireland
What is the historic color of northern ireland
The Irish Flag: It’s Colours, What It Symbolises + 9 Interesting Facts
Posted on Last updated: March 24, 2022
W e receive several questions about the Irish flag every single week. In the guide below, you’ll discover everything you need to know about it.
Now, you’re probably already aware that the Republic of Ireland is represented by a national flag which consists of three bands of green, white and orange.
We look at what those colours represent and how the flag came into being in this guide. The Irish flag also has interesting connections with the French tricolour – read on if you’re curious to know more!
Table of Contents
About the Irish Flag
Photo via David Renton on shuttertstock.com
The official Republic of Ireland flag is known as the tricolour, and it doesn’t take a genius to spot why. The rectangular flag is made up of three broad vertical stripes in green, white and orange.
The flag is always flown with the green stripe closest to the flagpole. Each band must be exactly the same size and the flag should be twice as wide as it is high. Of course, the three colours on the Irish flag are symbolic.
What the Irish flag colours mean
Arguably the most common question we receive about Ireland flag revolves around what do the colours of the Irish flag mean and what do they symbolise.
Green represents the Roman Catholics (you’ll have noted all that emerald or shamrock green around on St Patrick’s Day!) and orange represents the Irish Protestants.
They are commonly known as ‘Orangemen’ (particularly over the border in Northern Ireland) dating back to their loyalty to the protestant William of Orange (King William III of England).
The white stripe in the middle represents the hoped-for peace and union between the two groups (at the time when the Irish tricolour was first flown, the country was deeply divided between Catholics and Protestants).
History of the Irish Flag
Photo via Antonello Aringhieri on shuttertsock.com
The history of the Irish flag is an interesting one. The current Irish tricolour was designed by a group of French women who supported the Irish cause.
In 1848, they presented the tricolour to Thomas Francis Meagher who was the leader of the political Irish Nationalist Movement at that time.
On receiving the flag, he famously said, “The white in the centre signifies a lasting truce between Orange and Green and I trust that beneath its folds the hands of Irish Protestants and Irish Catholics may be clasped in generous and heroic brotherhood”.
If you’re curious to know more about the divide in Ireland, have a read of our guide to Northern Ireland v Ireland.
When it was unveiled
Meagher first publicly unveiled the flag from an upstairs window of the Wolfe Tone Club in Waterford City where he was addressing a crowd of Irish nationalists.
However, it was not until 1916, at the Easter Rising that the tricolour was first hoisted above Dublin’s General Post Office by Gearóid O’Sullivan.
It captured the spirit of the revolutionary movement and from that time onwards, the tricolour was regarded as the Republic of Ireland or Sinn Féin flag.
Although the Ireland flag was commonly flown from that time onwards, it only received official constitutional status as the national flag of Ireland in 1937.
The previous flag of Ireland
The history of the Irish flag goes back much further than the now-iconic tricolour. The previous flag of Ireland was emerald green with a golden harp which was used as early as 1642.
Green has long been the colour associated with the “Emerald Isle” and the Irish harp was (and still is) the official symbol of Ireland.
A brief history of the Irish flag in Northern Ireland
Interestingly, you will see the Irish flag is used on both sides of the Irish border. Nationalists in Northern Ireland also defer to it over the Union Jack which represents the unionist community.
It was officially banned in Northern Ireland in 1954 as it was considered likely to cause a breach of the peace. However, the removal of it from the Sinn Féin HQ in Belfast led to two days of rioting and was repeatedly replaced.
10 interesting facts about the Irish Flag
Photo via mark_gusev on shutterstock.com
You’ll find one-hundred-and-one Ireland flag facts online. However, we’ve chosen what we believe are 10 of the most interesting for you to read.
1. The official name in Irish
The Irish name for the tricolour flag and ensign is Bratach na hÉireann; “bratach” being the Irish word for flag.
2. Reference in songs
In songs, the colours of the Irish flag are sometimes referred to green, white and gold. Occasionally flags are flown with a gold stripe rather than the orange colour.
However, this is actively discouraged as it undermines the Irish Protestant representation and makes them feel excluded.
3. The similarity to the Ivory Coast flag
Interestingly, the flag of Ivory Coast is almost identical to the flag of Ireland but is slightly shorter and is flown with the orange band next to the hoist. In several international incidents the flags have been confused and in some cases mistakenly desecrated.
4. Loose links to the French
The Ireland flag is very similar to the French tricolour but uses different colours. The French flag represented the French Revolution which had successfully overthrown the monarchy of King Louis XVI and established a republic.
The parallel in terms of political desire was strongly felt and the first time the Irish flag was flown it was accompanied by the French tricolour.
5. Official recognition took some time
Although the green, white and orange flag was first flown in 1848, it was another 68 years before it was officially recognized as the national flag of Ireland.
6. Its use in burials
When a coffin is draped with the Irish flag, the green stripe should be closest to the head and the orange at the feet, regardless of the person’s religion.
7. It was designed by a group of French women
You may have come across this one in our guide to facts about Ireland. The history of the Irish flag (the current one, that is), is closely linked to France. In fact, the flag was designed by a group of French women who supported the Irish cause.
8. The green came from the Society of United Irishmen
The shamrock green in the flag comes originally from the Society of United Irishmen and was used by the republican movement pre- 1790.
9. Other Irish flags
Other Irish flags in common use include the red X cross on a white background known as the Cross of St Patrick. It was incorporated into the British Union Jack.
FAQs about the flag of Ireland
We’ve popped in some of the most FAQs that we receive about everything from the history of the Irish flag to facts and more below.
If you have a question that we haven’t tackled, feel free to ask away in the comments section below.
Does Ireland have two flags?
The official flag of the Republic of Ireland is the green, white and orange tricolour, while the official flag of Northern Ireland is the Union Jack.
What does the Irish flag mean?
The meaning of the Irish flag is nice and straight forward:
What flag is similar to the Irish flag?
The Ivory Coast flag is very frequently mistaken for Ireland’s flag in the media, much to the annoyance of both countries.
Gillian Birch is a travel writer and published author. She has travelled the world and uses her personal journals and memories to write about her many travel experiences, particularly those that involved adventures in Ireland.
Привет! Можете помочь с ответами? Unit 2. Section 4. № 106. ГДЗ Английский язык Enjoy English 9 класс Биболетова.
Answer the following questions. Use the information you’ve learned in this section.
1 What four historic parts does the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Northern Ireland consist of?
2 What are their capitals? Find the capitals on the map.
3 What is England’s floral symbol?
4 Why did the War of the Red and White Roses start?
5 Who won the war?
6 Why did the red rose become the symbol for the whole of England in 1485?
7 What is the Scottish symbol?
8 How did this plant once save the country?
9 What is the floral symbol for Wales?
10 Why is the leek the Welsh floral symbol?
11 Who is St David?
12 When do the Welsh celebrate their patron saint day?
13 What is the Irish floral symbol?
14 Who is the Irish national saint?
15 How did St Patrick use the shamrock?
16 What are the historic colours of the parts of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland?
Ответьте на вопросы. Используйте информацию, полученную в данной главе.
1) The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland has four historic parts: England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
2) The capital of England is London; the capital of Scotland is Edinburgh; the capital of Wales is Cardiff; the capital of Northern Ireland is Belfast.
3) England has got a red rose.
4) The War of the Red and White Roses started because the Lancastrians argued for the throne of England with the Yorkists. It was the war for the throne.
5) The Lancastrians won the war and their arms of the Red Rose became the symbol of the whole England.
6) The red rose became the symbol of the whole of England in 1485 because it decorated the arms of the House of Lancaster.
7) The Scottish emblem is the thistle.
8) At one point, the Scandinavians intended to attack a Scottish village. But since the Scots knew they were coming, they started to prepare for war. Late at night, the Scandinavians came in their bare feet so as to not awaken the Scottish warriors in the Scottish village. But the thorns of the thistle hurt their bare feet. Their howls of pain pierced the silence and the Scots awoke to fight the enemy.
9) The Welsh symbol is a vegetable: a leek or the flower, the daffodil.
10) The leek became the Welsh floral symbol as the Saint of Wales, David, ate only leek and bread. In memory of this Christian saint, the leek became the symbol of Wales.
11) St David is the Welsh patron saint.
12) The Welsh celebrate their dear saint on the 1st of March when daffodils burst into flames.
13) The Irish symbol is another wild plant — the shamrock.
14) St Patrick is the Irish national saint.
15) With the help of this plant St Patrick explained to the people of the country what the Holy Trinity is. Shamrock has three leaves to unify the Trinity: God the Father, the Son of God and the Holy Spirit.
16) The historic colours of the parts are: in England — white, in Scotland — blue, in Wales — red, in Northern Ireland — green.
Тест по страноведению (9 класс)
Тест по страноведению.
1. What four historic parts does the UK OF Great Britain and Northern Ireland consist of?
a) England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
b) England, Scotland, Wales and British Irelands.
c) Scotland, Wales, the USA and Northern Ireland.
2. What is the capital of Wales?
3. What is the historic color of Northern Ireland?
4. What is the Scottish symbol?
5. Who is the Irish national saint?
a) Saint Patrick.
6. What is the capital of the United States of America?
7. What is the population of the UK?
a) 59 million people.
b) 276 million people.
c) 147 million people.
8. Where is the Russian Federation situated?
9. What is the highest mountain of the USA?
b) Mount McKinley.
10. What is the longest river of the UK?
11. How is the flag of the UK called?
a) The Union Flag.
b) The Union George.
c) The Union Jack.
12. At what time did this flag appear?
13. What colors represent the UK’s flag?
a) White, green, blue.
b) Red, blue, yellow.
c) White, blue, red.
14. How many stars and stripes are there on the American flag?
a) 50 stripes and 13 stars.
b) 13 stripes and 50 stars.
c) 50 stars and 15 stripes.
15. What does white color of the Russian flag mean?
a) Generosity and frankness.
b) Honesty and wisdom.
c) Courage and love.
16. When was the Russian flag officially adopted by the Russian President and the Russian Parliament?
c) 300 years ago.
17. What was the first American flag?
a) The Union Jack.
b) The Imperial Flag.
c) The Grand Union Flag.
18. What is the main part of the emblem of our country?
a) The double-headed eagle.
b) The bald-headed eagle.
c) The English lion and Scottish unicorn.
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Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland is a constituent country of the United Kingdom and the only country of the UK that is not located on the island of Great Britain. Northern Ireland became a United Kingdom country after Ireland’s partition in 1921. [notes 1] Northern Ireland is also referred to as Ulster, the province of which six of the nine counties are located in Northern Ireland, the remainder in the Republic of Ireland; however, this term carries certain political connotations due to being split between the North and the Republic. Likewise, the Republic of Ireland likes to be referred to as «Ireland», although not all of Ireland belongs to the Republic. This also has political connotations.
On two occasions in the Northern Irish parliament, a proposal was made to rename ‘Northern Ireland’ as ‘Ulster’. However, the proposal garnered very little support.
Contents
History with Great Britain and partition [ edit ]
Over the next centuries, several dissatisfied minority groups in Ireland attempted rebellion with various aims and objectives. At the end of the 18th century, a rebellion was spearheaded in Ulster mostly by Presbyterian liberals. It included Roman Catholics and was called the Society of United Irishmen. Towards the end of the 1800s, spurred on ironically by mostly Anglo-Irish writers and poets, nationalism became adopted by Roman Catholics. The relaxation of Penal Laws against Presbyterians and other Protestant ‘non-conformists’ meant that Protestants were less interested in the ideas of rebellion or reform. Nationalism, therefore, became almost solely a Roman Catholic phenomenon. Although still only with minority support, many nationalists started moving toward the idea of republicanism and full independence rather than the reforms from within that had previously been desired.
In 1916, again still with only a small support base amongst the general populace, republicans attempted a rebellion now called the Easter Rising. Although repressed, it elicited widespread support from the Irish public. In the December 1918 general election, United Irish League (Irish nationalist) candidates won 80 of the 105 seats representing Ireland in Westminster. However, in Ulster, Unionists, who feared their rights would not be protected in a predominantly Catholic nation, won 22 of the 37 seats in the province. After a war of national liberation, London caved and agreed to recognise the independence of Dublin. In 1921, Ireland was partitioned into Southern Ireland and Northern Ireland, both of which were constituent countries of the United Kingdom, with the former a figleaf to get on with it. Northern Ireland has since remained a member of the UK.
Ulster [ edit ]
Ulster, one of the four historical provinces of Ireland, consists of the six counties of Northern Ireland plus three in the Republic. When the Free State became a British Dependency in the 1920s (eventually becoming the Republic of Ireland), Northern Ireland voted to remain within the United Kingdom. The name is used, mainly by Unionists, as a synonym for Northern Ireland — most notably by the Ulster Unionist Party, paramilitary group the Ulster Freedom Fighters and the Ulster Defence Regiment. This politically loaded usage of Ulster has cast opprobrium over the word.
Religion [ edit ]
Christianity is the most common religion in Northern Ireland, with the number of non-Catholic denominations being greater than Catholicism. The UK Census of 2001 puts the number of Roman Catholics in Northern Ireland at 40.2%, with the number of non-Roman Catholic Christians at 45.6%. [1]
The same source puts the number of other or non-religious people at 3% of the population; however, since religion is tied up much more closely with ethnicity in Northern Ireland than in many places (see, e.g., our article on Protestant vs. Catholic atheism), these figures might not represent the actual number of non-believers in the area.
Abortion [ edit ]
Except in very limited situations, abortion was illegal in Northern Ireland until 22 October 2019. [2] Before that date, women could and did travel to other parts of the UK for abortions but had to pay for the procedure and travel and accommodation costs. Effectively the poorest women were denied abortions. Pills that induced abortions were readily available online, and many women took them even though it was illegal. [3]
Politics [ edit ]
The Troubles [ edit ]
See main article: The Troubles «The Troubles» refers to the conflict between nationalist and loyalist groups in Northern Ireland in the latter half of the 20th century. The issues of both politics and religion concern this particular history of Northern Ireland; the main issues surrounding the Troubles being the constitutional status of Northern Ireland and the discrimination of largely Catholic nationalists, who wanted a united Ireland separate from the United Kingdom, being discriminated against by the largely Protestant (and otherwise non-Catholic) majority, who wanted Northern Ireland to remain a member country of the UK. A minor third side also advocates for a fully independent Northern Ireland, though this has gained little support. Currently, the loyalist DUP controls Northern Ireland, opposed by the nationalist Sinn Féin.
Paramilitary activity since the end of The Troubles [ edit ]
Since the Provisional IRA ceasefire of 1998, some Nationalist splinter groups have formed, possibly in homage to the Judean People’s Front/People’s Front of Judea sketch in Monty Python’s Life of Brian, but more likely simply because they enjoyed murdering people and didn’t want to stop. The names of these new terrorist groups include ‘The Real IRA’, ‘The Continuity IRA’, ‘The 32 County Sovereignty Committee and, most wittily of all, simply just ‘The IRA’.
In news media and within political circles, these brave freedom fighters are usually referred to as «dissident Republicans», and their identity is said to be unknown to the authorities. In reality, however, they are run mainly by ex-Provisional IRA or INLA splitters (i.e. former colleagues of the current Sinn Féin), directing a new generation of youngsters. Most of their activity involves shooting police officers, planting bombs discovered and defused by the PSNI, beating up or shooting drug dealers, and protection racketeering. These days, they function more like an organised crime syndicate than a terrorist group and are to Northern Ireland what the Mafia were to New York and Chicago during the Prohibition era.
Despite this, they have a rather firm stance against drugs, and if anyone is accused of dealing drugs, they are usually issued a warning. If this warning is not heeded, they are given a «punishment beating» to dissuade them from continuing. They are ultimately shot in the elbows or knees (and sometimes murdered) if that doesn’t work. The amount of evidence needed to determine whether or not to act is minimal, and they usually just resort to violence unless the person in question is related to a member of another organisation or related to one. Though they aren’t all like this, some are involved in the drug trade and use it to fund their «cause.»
On the other side, loyalist paramilitaries such as the Ulster Volunteer Force and the Ulster Defense Association are still active, though they are no different from dissident republicans or American white supremacist gangs. Their current activities consist of controlling the majority of Northern Ireland’s drug market and terrorising anyone who isn’t sufficiently white, British, or protestant enough for their liking.
Northern Ireland and Palestine [ edit ]
One of the most bizarre aspects of Northern Ireland is its relationship with the Israel/Palestine conflict. Many nationalists view Palestinians as fellow victims of colonial oppression and have used the Palestinian flag to show their support for them. In response, loyalists have sided with Israel, viewing them as fellow victims of terrorism, and will fly the Israeli flag to support them. [5] This is very ironic, as some loyalist groups are linked to neo-Nazis. [6] This started in the 1980s and continues to this day. [7] [8] Visitors to Belfast can also see the Italian flag in some places. This is because some people cannot tell the difference between the Irish and Italian flags for some strange reason. [9]
Brexit [ edit ]
In the Brexit vote, Northern Ireland voted to Remain in the EU, mostly on the Catholic vote. This may or may not lead to sectarian tensions, depending on the details of Brexit, especially whether a «hard border» will be erected and whether the border will lie in the Irish Sea or coterminous with the current NI-ROI border.
Northern Ireland
Culture Name
Alternative Names
Ulsters, Ulster Unionists, Protestant Ulsterites, Loyalists; Republican, Nationalist
Orientation
Identification. The island of Ireland is known as Eire in Irish Gaelic. The name of the capital city, Belfast, derives from the city’s Gaelic name, Beal Feirste, which means «mouth of the sandy ford,» referring to a stream that joins the Lagan River.
The state of conflict in Northern Ireland is manifested in the names by which the Northern Irish identify themselves. Ulsters or Ulster Unionists identify themselves by ethnicity, religion, and political bent. These residents are generally Protestants from England who colonized the country in the nineteenth century and earlier supported William of Orange when he wrested the throne of England from the Catholic James II. The Nationalists are native Irish who were ruled by Irish chiefs. They are Roman Catholics who want Northern Ireland to be reunited with the Republic of Ireland, removing the northern counties from the sovereignty of England. The Ulster Unionists remain politically, religiously, and culturally loyal to England, yet feel that Northern Ireland is their homeland. Nationalists believe that the land is theirs, and their loyalty is to their compatriots in the Free State of Southern Ireland.
Location and Geography. Northern Ireland is the smallest country in the United Kingdom, situated on the second largest island of the British Isles. It occupies one-sixth of the island it shares with the independent Republic of Ireland. Northern Ireland is composed of six of the twenty-nine counties of Ireland, covering about 5,452 square miles (14,120 square kilometers). It is separated from the Republic of Ireland by a three-hundred-mile-long artificial boundary. Northern Ireland makes up the northwestern corner of the island; the entire island is bordered on the west by the Atlantic Ocean, on the east by the Irish Sea, and on the south by the Celtic Sea. The waters around Northern Ireland’s coast are shallow.
The climate is mild as a result of Atlantic Ocean breezes and the Gulf Stream, with comfortable summers and temperate winters. Snow is uncommon, and temperatures dip below freezing only a few times a year. However, rainfall is heavy. Low mountains with steep cliffs dropping off to the sea and fertile lowlands are the principal topographic features. The two major mountain ranges are the Sperrin Mountains and the Mourne Mountains. Most of the farmable land, in the middle of the country, is used as grazing pastures for livestock. Lough Neagh, in central Northern Ireland, is the largest lake in the British Isles.
Until seven thousand years ago, Ireland was linked to Europe by a land bridge, but the ocean eroded that bridge and separated Ireland from the continent. Scotland lies just thirteen miles east of the island across the English Channel.
The Upper Bann River begins in the Mourne Mountains and flows northwest for twenty-five miles before entering Lough Neagh. The Erne River, which is seventy-two miles long, starts in the Republic of Ireland and flows northward into Northern Ireland. The Foyle River, marking the northwestern boundary with the Republic of Ireland, passes through Londonderry and empties into the Atlantic Ocean, becoming a bay called Lough Foyle.
Soggy areas called peat bogs have developed in parts of the country. The bogs contain layers of vegetation that have partly decayed in the moist earth. As the layers build up, they form a thick crust of turf that is called peat. This turf, originally cut by hand, is now cut by machine. The resulting briquettes are burned for fuel and remain the major source of heat and electricity in rural areas.
Demography. In 1998, the Annual report of the Registrar General for Northern Ireland reported the population of Northern Ireland to be 1,668,000. The population is most dense in the east. In the 1980s, the population was described as being 70 percent Protestant and 30 percent Catholic, but 60 percent Protestant and 40 percent Catholic may be more accurate. The population breakdown is difficult to ascertain because many residents are reluctant to indicate their religion.
Catholic families have a higher birthrate because of their religious beliefs and their desire to surpass the population of the Unionists. Stability in the population has resulted from the fact that many Catholics were forced to go to London to escape unemployment.
Linguistic Affiliation. English is spoken throughout the country, and the native language of Gaelic, or Gaeltacht, is disappearing. Many Gaelic speakers died in the Great Famine of the 1840s, and Gaelic was replaced by English, which was needed to achieve social mobility. Gaelic still carries a stigma as the language of the poor.
Gaelic is a Celtic language that probably was introduced by Celts in the last few centuries b.c.e. Similar to Scottish Gaelic, it shares common structures with Welsh and Breton. It is an idiomatic language with a complex grammatical system that is considered rich in terms of warmth and expressiveness. Irish is required at some schools but is taught with an emphasis on grammar rather than conversation. The Gaelic League, formed in 1893, is a revivalist organization, that attempts to propagate the Irish language and culture. In the 1920s, the Gaelic League attempted to deanglicize the country by gaelicizing the schools. It wanted to require that all teachers at teacher training colleges have a background and proficiency in Irish. However, the league realized that Gaelic would languish if it was not also used in the home environment.
Symbolism. The Union Jack flag and the British crown are associated with the Unionists both by their Protestant supporters and by their Catholic opponents. Members of the Orange Order have a picture of the crown on the huge drums that are used in the parades in which Orangemen celebrate the victory of William of Orange over James II at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. Another image associated with the rivalry between Loyalists and Nationalists is the Ulster emblem of a right hand severed at the wrist from which no blood should flow.
Northern Ireland is recognizable by its lush green countryside and stout mountains leading down to a steep and craggy shoreline. The flag of the Free State of Ireland, which has equal vertical bands of green, white, and orange is a symbol of the Irish nation.
History and Ethnic Relations
Emergence of the Nation. Prior to 1920 the island of Ireland was part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The Government of Ireland Act of 1920 founded the Irish Free State and allowed six Ulster counties to remain part of the United Kingdom, becoming Northern Ireland. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) opposed the establishment of the Irish Free State. In 1925, an agreement among the Irish Free State, Northern Ireland, and Great Britain partitioned Ireland and defined the borders. Catholic residents of Ulster did not want to see Ireland divided, but Protestant business leaders wished to remain linked to England. In 1936, the Irish Free State proclaimed its complete independence, and in 1949 it renamed itself the Republic of Ireland. Since 1974, the United Kingdom has ruled Northern Ireland directly.
National Identity. The Northern Irish see themselves as distinct from the English but connected to their compatriots in the Republic of Ireland. The Northern Irish see the British of Northern Ireland as interlopers and oppressors.
Ethnic Relations. Violent antagonism between Catholics and Protestants developed in the nineteenth century and resulted from history and religion. The influx of settlers from England and Scotland was not welcomed by the native Irish, since the newcomers were awarded the best parcels of land. At first, the minority Ulster Protestants could not dominate the Catholic majority, but after the victory of the Protestants supporting William of Orange at the Battle of the Boyne, they prevailed.
Urbanism, Architecture, and the Use of Space
Particularly in Belfast, most decisions involving public planning are made to preserve public security in the midst of «the Troubles.» Many of the busiest streets in that city have control zones where only pedestrians can travel. Automobiles are not allowed in those zones to reduce the risk of car bombings. Cars that are parked in commercial parking lots are given a quick inspection for potential bombs. The boundaries that separate Catholic and Protestant neighborhoods are enforced by the police.
Graffiti and wall murals appear throughout urban areas, depicting the sentiments of Unionists and Nationalists. In the case of the Nationalists, IRA propaganda and images of men with guns tell supporters to «fight back» and state that «we will meet force with force.» Catholic children learn from graffiti the strong views and potential for violence held by the Nationalists.
In a sign welcoming travelers to the County of Londonderry, Nationalists have expressed their anti-British feelings by scratching out the word «London» and identifying the county as Derry, as it is known among Catholics. At Free Derry Corner, two large murals commemorate the events ofBloody Sunday, in which thirteen people were killed and another fourteen were injured, after British soldiers opened fire during an illegal demonstration in 1972.
The Ulster Architectural Heritage Society is an organization that educates the public and lobbies for historic buildings in nine counties in Northern Ireland.
Food and Economy
Food in Daily Life. The diet is rather simple. Porridge or oatmeal often is eaten at breakfast. At midmorning, one stops for a cup of tea or coffee with cookies or biscuits. Most people eat the main meal at midday. This meal generally is meat-based, featuring beef, chicken, pork, or lamb. Fish and chips are eaten for a quick meal, and a rich soup with plenty of bread can be bought in taverns at lunchtime. Potatoes are a staple, but onions, cabbage, peas, and carrots are eaten just as frequently. Irish stew combines the chief elements of the cuisine with mutton, potatoes, and onions.
Bakeries carry a variety of breads, with brown bread and white soda bread served most often with meals. White sliced bread is called pan in Irish. Belfast’s soda bread enjoys an excellent reputation; made of flour and buttermilk it is found throughout the country. In the evening, families eat a simple meal of leftovers or eggs and toast.
A drink generally means beer, either lager or stout. Guinness, brewed in Dublin, is the black beer most often drunk. Whiskey also is served in pubs, and coffee is also available.
Food Customs at Ceremonial Occasions. Food customs of the Northern Irish are not really different from the practices of the Irish in the Republic of Ireland. Christmas supper includes meat such as chicken and ham followed by plum pudding. Being a strongly Catholic country, the Friday night prohibition of meat is observed by Catholics. Since fish is permitted, the Friday evening meal generally features trout or salmon.
Basic Economy. The economy of Northern Ireland is based on agriculture and manufacturing. The agriculture sector benefits from rich farming soil. Agriculture contributes to manufacturing through processing of livestock and dairy products. Northern Ireland’s principle industries are textiles, shipbuilding, and engineering.
Unequal resources and unequal opportunities resulting from colonization have created conflict. The ethnic and religious strife is really a matter of an uneven distribution of economic resources and opportunities.
Land Tenure and Property. The current distribution of land between Catholics and Protestants can be traced back to the settlement patterns of the seventeenth century. The eastern counties of Antrum and Down were settled by the Scottish because of their proximity to Scotland. The settlers who later came from the north of England got land in Monaghan. In the 1600s, the incoming Protestants took the best land for farming, leaving the Catholics with less fertile and more mountainous parcels. As a result, a majority of Protestants established roots in Antrum and Down as well as Armagh and Londonderry.
Commercial Activities. The Industrial Revolution occurred in Belfast during the twentieth century and made the country the world’s major linen center and the home of two flourishing shipyards. The success of shipbuilding spawned related industries in engineering and rope making.
Major Industries. Northern Ireland, Belfast in particular, has always been an industrial center. Early in the twentieth century, the major industries were shipbuilding and rope making. The success of Belfast’s industries kept it inextricably bound to Great Britain, from which it imported its raw materials. The owners and managers of most industries were Protestants, reinforcing the paternalistic relationship to England.
Trade. As much as 80 percent of external trade is with England. Textiles, in particular linen, are the major export. Grain also is exported; during the Great Famine, grain and foodstuffs were exported to England, with little done to relieve the starving Irish people.
Division of Labor. Catholics generally are excluded from skilled and semiskilled jobs in shipyards and linen mills. They historically were restricted to menial jobs on the docks, earning lower wages than the Protestants who worked in skilled jobs and management positions. Ulster Unionists tend to own businesses. Many Catholic Republicans are unemployed.
Social Stratification
Classes and Castes. The class structure renders Protestants superior in that they dominate the professional and business classes, tending to own the majority of businesses and large farms. Catholics tend to be unskilled workers or work small farms. Catholics tend to be poorer than Protestants as a result of economic inequality that often is attributed to ethnic and religious roots. The general enmity between the two groups is exacerbated by long standing prejudices. Protestants generally believe that Catholics are lazy and irresponsible. Social separation contributes to these perceptions. Protestant and Catholic families live in separate enclaves and worship separately, and their children study in segregated schools.
Irish Catholics may tend to drink, whereas Protestants are viewed as more British and puritanical. On Sundays, Catholics often engage in leisure or recreation activities after mass, while Protestants scorn Sunday leisure activities, often choosing not to garden in deference to the sabbath.
Symbols of Social Stratification. Protestants tend to comport themselves as British, members of the United Kingdom. In regard to owning land and businesses, Protestants constitute the economic, social, and political elite. Their accent and manners are in keeping with those of Great Britain. Catholics, who tend to be poorer and have larger families, speak Gaelic, although not fluently. Most Protestants belong to the Orange Order, which is dedicated to maintaining the Protestant religion and Protestant social superiority.
Political Life
Government. Northern Ireland is symbolically headed by the British monarch but it is governed by an elected parliament. The Ireland Act of 1920 established a parliament that was suspended in 1972 because of the ethnic violence. The makeup of the parliament is intended to include fifty-two delegates in the Northern Ireland House of Commons who serve five-year terms. The House selects twenty-four Senate members who serve eight-year terms. House members choose the prime minister from the political party that holds the most seats.
The judicial system is similar to that of England, in which the courts base decisions on parliamentary legislation and common law. A magistrate hears minor cases, and more serious cases are heard by the Crown Court, which is made up of a judge and jury. Any appeals go before a nine-judge court in the British House of Lords.
There is no written constitution. The three viable political options are the continuance as part of the United Kingdom, association with the Republic of Ireland, and independence. The country has the right to self-determination under the Northern Ireland Constitution Act of 1973, but unless there is a majority vote for independence or a formal alliance with Ireland, it will remain part of the United Kingdom.
Leadership and Political Officials. Each of the twenty-six districts has an elected council. Belfast and Londonderry have their own councils, which focuses on education, public works, local planning and public health. Protestants tend to hold most elected positions, and this has led to an uneven distribution of resources.
In the 1830s, the Catholic Emancipation Act allowed Catholics to seek election to the British legislature. However, Protestant leaders in Northern Ireland gerrymandered the voting districts so that the Catholics were always a minority in every district.
Social Problems and Control. Most violence results from the civil unrest between Catholics and Protestants. Bombings and individual attacks generally are motivated by the politically charged atmosphere and segregation. Nonpolitical crimes are generally based on socioeconomic inequity. Burglary and theft accounted for nearly three-quarters of all recorded crime in Northern Ireland in 1995. Between 1990 and 1995, the number of arrests for drug-related offenses more than tripled.
Military Activity. The presence of British police and military personnel is pervasive. There are police checkpoints, and citizens must carry documents routinely. The Ulster Volunteer Force is a Unionist military organization that is highly secretive and has been labeled a terrorist group since it is openly anti-Catholic. The Ulster Defense Association was a legal organization until 1991. The Royal Ulster Constabulary and the British Army are responsible for keeping the peace; the Royal Ulster Constabulary employs a special branch of army intelligence to anticipate and prevent all terrorist attacks.
The Irish National Liberation Army is composed of older, more experienced members. The Provisional Irish Republican Army is a descendant of the original IRA. In this secretive group, which is a military wing of the IRA, each member knows only the names of his immediate colleagues. The IRA has detonated bombs under cars, striking at the moment a police patrol passes. The IRA has killed twenty to thirty soldiers and police officers per year since the 1980s.
Young Nationalists are recruited for paramilitary service. First they join Fionna Eireann as a scout or recruit. To prove themselves, young initiates must participate in the beating or kneecapping of a Protestant.
The military carries out regular security patrols in Unionist and Loyalist areas on foot or in police or army vehicles. The 1974 Prevention of Terrorism Act was passed to prevent the IRA from extending its attacks to Great Britain; it authorizes detention for up to seven days for anyone seemingly engaged in terrorism in Northern Ireland, Great Britain, or the Republic of Ireland.
Social Welfare and Change Programs
Social insurance benefits exist for orphans, widows, pensioners, and persons on disability or maternity leave. The state, the employer, and the employee all contribute to the fund that provides these benefits. Health services and medicines are free to all persons with long-term illnesses. Beyond that, there are two kinds of entitlements: free health services for those who have a low income and a lower level of services for people with higher incomes.
Nongovernmental Organizations and Other Associations
Most nongovernmental organizations operating in the country, including the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission and the Northern Ireland Assembly, are concerned with human rights and human rights violations resulting from violent attacks by the IRA and the British Army. The Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission, which was established by the Northern Ireland Act of 1988, has the duty and power to ensure the human rights of all residents and to counter human rights violations.
Gender Roles and Statuses
Division of Labor by Gender. The position of women in the economic structure shifted during the period of direct rule, with more women entering the workforce between 1952 and 1995 as the number of jobs expanded. Typically, women work in low-paid, part-time jobs in the service sector, and even though their participation in the workforce has increased, it has remained below that of men.
The most dramatic increase in women’s employment was that of married women after a constitutional revision. In 1937, the constitution reflected religious bias by stating that a working woman who married had to resign from her job. It was not until 1977 that an Employment Equality Act made that practice illegal.
The Relative Status of Men and Women. Women have become increasingly involved in the peace movement. The Northern Ireland Peace Movement, which began in 1976, allied Protestant and Catholic women who marched together through both Loyalist and Republican parts of Belfast. Two of the founders, Mairead Corrigan and Betty Williams, received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1976 for their efforts to unite Catholics and Protestants to halt the violence.
Marriage, Family, and Kinship
In the 1970s, marriage rates increased, but Ireland was joining the West in embracing the nuclear family model. While more marriages occurred, married couples were having smaller families. By 1977, the birthrate had declined by one-third. This trend toward nuclear families applied to both Catholics and Protestants, although Catholics still had larger families. Even after marriage, contraception, which is forbidden by the Roman Catholic Church, is not legally obtainable in much of the country.
Since the 1600s, when the Scots and English arrived, very little intermarriage between those ethnic groups and the original Irish inhabitants has occurred. However, it is said that as many as one-fifth of marriages in Belfast today are between a Catholic and a Protestant; this figure may be exaggerated.
Domestic Unit. Families tend to live together in nuclear units in government housing projects that reinforce the separation of Catholics and Protestants. Catholics get smaller, older houses, while Protestant government officials award new or upgraded dwellings to other Protestants. Catholics tend to have larger families, making their homes more crowded. The government once talked about altering family assistance to favor smaller families but decided that move would lead to charges of religious discrimination from Catholics.
Inheritance. Inheritance customs changed after the 1920s. After the famine, farmers felt betrayed by the land, and the generations of birthright to a family’s land stopped. Farmers who had small plots wanted to hold on to what they had and were reluctant to subdivide their parcels to hand down to their sons.
Generally the father would give his land to one son, not necessarily the oldest. Only then could that son take a bride. Often this did not take place until the father reached the age of seventy, at which time an old age pension allowed him to bequeath his land. In the meantime, the grown children who were not going to inherit land had no place in the home and usually emigrated or looked for work as craftsmen in a neighboring town.
Parents enjoy a patriarchal status and the father claims the best chair near the fire. Historically, when parents retired and passed their land to a son, they stopped sleeping in the kitchen and moved to a smaller room in the back of the house, where they would display heirlooms and religious pictures that previously were kept in the main hearth area.
Kin Groups. Kinship is reinforced by religion, class, and socioeconomic status. Catholics feel a kinship among themselves as the minority as well as links to their coreligionists in the Republic of Ireland. Protestants associate with their British heritage and identify with their compatriots in Great Britain in terms of religion, socioeconomic status, and class. Nuclear families are the main kin group, with relatives involved as kin in the extended family. Children generally adopt the father’s surname. The first name is generally a Christian name, usually the name of a saint.
Socialization
Infant Care. Infant mortality as measured in the 1926 Dublin census was high. In the 1990s the infant mortality rate fell to a level lower than that in Europe as a whole.
Child Rearing and Education. The mother raises younger children. However, when a boy makes his first communion, generally at age seven, his father rears him alongside his older brothers. Education is compulsory from ages six to fifteen. Schools are segregated, with Catholics attending parochial schools and Protestants attending public schools.
Higher Education. Queen’s University in Belfast, which was founded in 1845 and originally was called Queen’s College, is the most prestigious university. About eight thousand students study there, mostly in the sciences. The Union Theological College was founded in 1853. In 1968, the New University of Ulster opened in Colraine; two thousand students are enrolled. Vocational schools include the Belfast College of Technology, Ulster Polytechnic in Newtownabbey, and the Agricultural College. Assembly College, founded in 1853, is a Presbyterian training school.
Etiquette
Rules of etiquette are situational and are affected by status and class. While political conversations in pubs may be intense, political discussions occur only among friends and people with similar views. People are reluctant to discuss their political, religious, social, and economic views with outsiders.
Religion
Religious Beliefs. For Catholics, Good Friday, Easter, and Christmas are the most holy days and are observed by attending church services and spending time with the family. While Catholic-Protestant conflict has worsened in the last century, the religious and political history between the two groups goes back centuries. In 1534, King Henry VIII of England established himself the leader of a new church of Protestantism that he tried to impose in Ireland. He offered to increase the landholdings of Irish nobles who would recognize the new church. However, few of the Irish, and none in Ulster, accepted the offer. In 1541, Henry declared himself king of Ireland and outlawed monasteries. In 1547, Edward VI, his son and successor, declared Protestantism the official religion of Ireland and dispatched troops to enforce the new law. Those troops arrested Irish nobles and seized the property of those who refused to convert. Edward gave the confiscated land to the English Protestants who were settling there. Elizabeth I continued that policy and enforced Protestantism. In 1560, she was named head of the Irish Church and insisted that English, not Gaelic, be used in religious services.
Religious Practitioners. The Catholic clergy provide a link between God and the Catholic congregants. This represents a significant difference between Roman Catholics and Protestants. Catholic clergy participate in the civil rights movement in an attempt to equalize the volatile conflict. However, Protestants complain that the Catholic clergy exacerbate the situation by interfering with politics when they support Nationalist candidates and participate in demonstrations against the British Army.
Rituals and Holy Places. The headquarters of the Catholic and Protestant churches are located in Armagh. Each religion has a cathedral named for Saint Patrick, a fifth century missionary who brought Christianity to the Celts of the island.
Death and the Afterlife. Protestants believe that the Catholic Church teaches that salvation is found only in their religion, which means that the Protestants are heretics damned to eternal damnation. Catholics killed in «the Troubles» are venerated as martyrs.
Medicine and Health Care
A national health care program was started in the 1950s. The Department of Health and Social Services administers the health care system by using tax revenues. Many services are free, such as hospitalization and maternity coverage.
Secular Celebrations
Saint Patrick’s Day is the most widely celebrated secular holiday and is characterized by vigorous parades. New Year’s Day is celebrated on 1 January. The controversial annual pride parade of the Orange Order is held on Orange Day on 12 July to celebrate and commemorate the victory of Prince William of Orange over King James II. This Protestant organization had about ninety thousand members in the 1990s. The public parade and celebration evoke tension in Belfast, often provoking Nationalists to violence.
The Arts and Humanities
Support for the Arts. Since the partition of Ireland is artificial, there is no real distinction between the two cultures.
Established in 1962, the Arts Council of Northern Ireland is the prime distributor of public support for the arts. Its mission is to develop and improve the knowledge, appreciation, and practice of the arts; to increase public access to and participation in the arts; and to encourage and assist artists.
Literature. Most Irish literature has been written by authors in and around Dublin. However, Northern Ireland produced the Nobel Prize-winning poet, Seamus Heaney, who has published many collections of poems. His career parallels the violent political struggles of his homeland, but he is fascinated primarily by the earth and the history embedded there. His verse incorporates Gaelic expressions as he explores the themes of nature, love, and mythology. His poems use images of death and dying, and he has written elegiac poems to friends and family members lost to «the Troubles.» Northern Ireland is also the birthplace of C. Day Lewis, who wrote novels and verse and taught and translated classical literature. Lewis was named poet laureate of the United Kingdom in 1970.
Graphic Arts. Celtic designs can be seen in artistic and everyday images. The Celtic influence appears in the lettering on shop signs, letterheads, jewelry, and tombstones.
Performance Arts. Irish music incorporates fiddles, bagpipes, drums, flutes, and harps. Folk music is performed in pubs and parades. The Ulster National Orchestra in Belfast and the Philharmonic Society are the leading classical musical groups. Traditional Irish music has grown very popular outside the country in the last decade.
The State of the Physical and Social Sciences
Queen’s University has a strong reputation in the sciences. Many of the eight thousand members of the student body receive undergraduate and postgraduate degrees in agriculture, food science, and horticulture. The university has research programs in livestock production and crop and grass production as well as food quality and processing to improve the competitiveness of the beef, sheep, and pig livestock sectors.
Bibliography
Barritt, Denis P., and Charles F. Carter. The Northern Ireland Problems: A Study in Group Relations, 2nd ed., 1972.
Boyle, Kevin, and Tom Hadden. Northern Ireland: The Choice, 1994.
Brown, Terence. Ireland: A Social and Cultural History, 1922 to the Present, 1985.
Buckland, Patrick. A History of Northern Ireland, 1981.
Callaghan, James. A House Divided: The Dilemma of Northern Ireland, 1973.
Coogan, Tim Pat. The Troubles: Ireland’s Ordeal 1966 – 1996 and the Search for Peace, 1997.
Darby, John, ed. Northern Ireland: The Background to the Conflict, 1983.
Finnegan, Richard B. Ireland: The Challenge of Conflict and Change, 1983.
Harkness, David. Ireland in the Twentieth Century: Divided Island, 1996.
Hennessey, Thomas. A History of Northern Ireland 1920 – 1996, 1997.
Hughes, Michael. Ireland Divided: The Roots of the Modern Irish Problem, 1994.
Mullan, Don. Bloody Sunday: Massacre in Northern Ireland, 1997.
Murphy, John A. Ireland in the Twentieth Century, 1975.
Murray, John, Sean Sheehan, and Tony Wheeler. Ireland: A Travel Survival Kit, 1994.
Robertson, Ian. Blue Guide: Ireland, 1992.
Ruane, Joseph, and Jennifer Todd. The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland: Power, Conflict and Emancipation, 1996.
See, Katherine O’Sullivan. First World Nationalisms: Class and Ethnic Politics in Northern Ireland and Quebec, 1986.
Shivers, Lynne, and David Bowman. More Than the Troubles: A Common Sense View of the Northern Ireland Conflict, 1984.
Taylor, Peter. Loyalists: War and Peace in Northern Ireland, 1999.
See Also: United Kingdom
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Notes:
Northern Ireland
NORTHERN IRELAND.
Northern Ireland, consisting of six of the nine counties of Ulster, became a devolved administration within the United Kingdom under the 1920 Government of Ireland Act. Its creation was designed to remove Ulster unionist opposition to Irish home rule. The six-county state was the largest area with an ensured unionist majority. Two-thirds of the population were Protestant, and unionists won forty of the fifty-two seats in the new parliament; but there were significant areas with a nationalist majority along the western and southern fringes and in west Belfast. The establishment of a separate administration for Northern Ireland reflected Britain’s wish to disengage from Ireland. The parliament was responsible for agriculture, education, local government, security, health, and welfare, but it had limited taxation powers; 90 percent of tax revenue went to the British exchequer. Northern Ireland continued to send members of Parliament (MPs) to Westminster, but Westminster did not concern itself with programs controlled by the local parliament.
EARLY STATEHOOD
The new state had a violent birth; between June 1920 and June 1922, 428 people were killed and 1,766 injured and many houses and businesses were destroyed. This violence was part of the guerrilla war that the Irish Republican Army (IRA) launched against the Crown forces in Ireland in its efforts to secure an Irish republic. A truce in July 1921 was followed by a treaty in December 1921, giving Ireland Dominion status. Northern Ireland, not a signatory to the treaty, had the right to opt out of the Dominion; if it did so, the boundaries of each state would be determined by a commission. The outbreak of civil war in southern Ireland in the summer of 1922 diverted republicans away from Northern Ireland and made it easier for the new state to survive. However, from the beginning the Northern Ireland government regarded Catholics as a disloyal minority that must be contained; a draconian Special Powers Act providing for internment and flogging was directed exclusively at the Catholic community. Most Catholics believed that the Boundary Commission would so reduce the territory of Northern Ireland as to make its survival impossible and refused to engage with the new state. In 1925, when it became evident that the Commission was proposing only minor boundary changes, the British and Irish governments agreed to suppress the report.
Although nationalist MPs took their seats in parliament in 1926, Northern Ireland continued to be racked by insecurity and defensiveness. The 1920 Act provided for proportional representation in all elections, in order to protect minorities, but legislation passed in 1926 and 1929 removed proportional representation in local and parliamentary elections. Ward boundaries in local authorities with a nationalist majority, such as Londonderry, were carefully manipulated to secure unionist control. The abolition of proportional representation was not directed exclusively against nationalists. The Northern Ireland prime minister James Craig (later Lord Craigavon, 1871–1940) feared that the emergence of a Labour movement or the fragmenting of the unionist vote might enable nationalists to gain control. This was never a realistic possibility. However, during the Depression of the 1930s, Catholics and Protestants protested together at cuts in unemployment relief. Sectarian divisions proved more powerful than class interest, and the alliance was short-lived. Although the Ulster Unionist Party held office continually from 1921 until the parliament was dissolved in 1973, Craig and his successors went to considerable effort to woo the Protestant electorate by a judicious combination of patronage in the form of jobs and public spending and the encouragement of fears that Northern Ireland was under threat from a disloyal nationalist minority or irredentist claims from Dublin. Dublin governments, preoccupied with maximizing independence from Britain, initially showed little interest in Northern Ireland. However Article 2 in the 1937 Constitution claimed jurisdiction over the entire island.
World War II was an important period for Northern Ireland’s relationship with Britain. The Depression of the 1930s was more deep-seated in Northern Ireland than it was elsewhere in the United Kingdom, but the economy gradually revived under the stimulus of armament and clothing contracts and the presence of U.S. bases. Conscription was not introduced because of fears of nationalist opposition, and the numbers who enlisted in the forces remained low. In 1941 German bombs claimed 1,100 lives in Belfast, proportionately one of the heaviest casualties in the United Kingdom; the high death toll reflected inadequate air-raid precautions. The war exposed the limitations of the aging and complacent Unionist leadership; in 1940 Craig was succeeded as prime minister by veteran unionist John Andrews (1871–1956). In 1943 Andrews had to give way to a younger and more dynamic Sir Basil Brooke (Viscount Brookeborough, 1888–1973).
Northern Ireland’s contribution to the Allied war effort was duly acknowledged by successive British governments. The 1920 Act required Northern Ireland to contribute toward the cost of imperial services. Although these payments were waived when economic conditions deteriorated, public services lagged seriously behind those in the United Kingdom. In 1946 however, Britain conceded parity of social services with the rest of the United Kingdom, and Northern Ireland participated fully in the postwar expansion of health, welfare, and educational services. Many Ulster unionists were uncomfortable with such heavy reliance on the state. Further reward for wartime service came when Westminster responded to the declaration of an Irish Republic by passing the 1949 Ireland Act, which gave the Northern Ireland parliament the right to determine whether it would remain part of the United Kingdom.
ESCALATING TENSIONS
Nationalists saw no hope of securing influence within Northern Ireland. An Anti-Partition League launched in 1945 was designed to unite Sinn Féin and the more moderate, church-controlled Irish nationalist party; in 1947 the campaign secured all-party support in Dublin. But efforts to bring international pressure to bear on Britain to end partition were fruitless. The 1949 Ireland Act strengthened partition by giving ultimate control to the Northern Ireland parliament. A desultory guerrilla warfare campaign began in 1954, and in December 1956 the IRA launched Operation Harvest—an anti-partition offensive consisting of raids on border custom posts, army barracks, and police stations. Northern Ireland Catholics gave the campaign only limited support, and the Dublin and Belfast governments interned suspected IRA members. In 1962 the IRA declared a ceasefire and shifted its attention to the socioeconomic issues in the Republic. With twelve IRA and six police deaths, the casualties were tiny compared to those sustained on both sides in the later «Troubles.»
Although Northern Ireland had the lowest standard of living in the United Kingdom it was significantly higher than that of the Irish Republic, and the population was rising. Between 1945 and 1963 investment in new industries created fifty thousand jobs, mainly in U.S. and U.K. firms attracted by generous tax concessions. By the early 1960s, however, a worldwide recession in shipbuilding and the aircraft and textile industries created a major economic crisis. Unemployment had traditionally been much higher among Catholics, who accounted for a disproportionate number of unskilled workers and were more likely to live in the less-developed areas in west Ulster. Catholic emigration counteracted the higher Catholic birth-rate and stabilized the sectarian balance. But the job losses in traditional Ulster industries affected skilled workers, who were the backbone of Ulster unionism, and many reacted by voting for the Northern Ireland Labour Party. The Northern Ireland prime minister Lord Brookeborough was forced to resign. His successor, Terence O’Neill (1914–1990), sought to secure the future of Ulster unionism by instituting a program of economic planning that would bring material benefits to all citizens while anchoring Northern Ireland more firmly in the United Kingdom; he was also keen to promote better relations with the Catholic community and the Dublin government. But public gestures, such as meeting Irish prime minister Seán Lemass (1899–1971)—the first such meeting since 1922—and the first visit to a Catholic school by a prime minister of Northern Ireland prompted fears among unionists without delivering material benefits to the Catholic minority. A planned new town, a new university, and a motorway—key elements in his development program—were all located in predominantly Protestant areas, reinforcing Catholic beliefs that new-style unionism was only a modern version of the old partisan regime.
The 1963 election of a Labour government in Britain eroded the convention that the parliament of the United Kingdom did not discuss matters that were controlled by the Northern Ireland government. The Campaign for Social Justice (1964), a group of middle-class Catholics, linked up with Labour MPs to highlight discrimination in housing and employment. In 1967 these causes were taken up by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, a coalition of liberal Protestants and Catholics whose title and modus operandi were modeled on the U.S. civil rights movement. Since the mid-nineteenth century, political marches in Northern Ireland had been used as a means of asserting control over territory, and marches frequently ended in intercommunal violence. When a march in Derry in October 1968 to highlight local housing discrimination was attacked by baton-wielding policemen, the pictures were carried on televisions throughout the world. The British prime minister, Harold Wilson (1916–1995), summoned O’Neill to London and pressed him to announce a series of reforms: an ombudsman, the abolition of Londonderry Corporation and other local authority reforms, needs-based allocation of public housing, and changes to the Special Powers Act. The fact that these concessions were made following mass protest, and under pressure from Britain, further weakened O’Neill’s credibility within the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). In February 1969 he called a general election and appealed for Catholic votes to shore up his mandate for reform. But the out come was growing support for O’Neill’s opponents within the UUP, and for Ian Paisley’s (b. 1926) uncompromising Protestant Unionists (later the Democratic Unionist Party, DUP), and no evidence of Catholic support for O’Neill. He resigned some weeks later.
THE TROUBLES
August 1969 is generally regarded as the start of the Troubles. A traditional unionist march in Derry ended in riots, which spread to Belfast, resulting in seven deaths and the destruction of 179 properties (83 percent of which had been occupied by Catholics). The Northern premier James Chichester-Clark (1923–2002) called in the British army to restore peace, but overall responsibility for security remained with the Northern Ireland government. Catholics initially welcomed the British army as protection from Protestant attacks, but within months the army was under attack in Catholic areas. Although some members of the IRA had joined the civil rights movement, the IRA only became a significant fighting force after December 1969, when the Provisional IRA split away to launch a campaign against the British army and the Northern Ireland government. Violence increased, particularly after the introduction of internment in August 1971, which was directed solely against nationalists, despite considerable evidence of unionist paramilitary activity. When an illegal anti-internment march in Derry on 30 January 1972 ended with thirteen marchers shot dead by British soldiers, Britain was forced to take control of security, and the Northern Ireland government resigned. The parliament was prorogued and direct rule from Westminster was introduced on 24 March 1972.
Direct rule was regarded as a temporary arrangement, pending the establishment of a government that would have the support of both the nationalist and unionist communities. By 1972 Britain was conscious that any lasting settlement had to secure the support of the Dublin government. The Sunningdale Agreement, signed in December 1973 by the British and Irish governments and leaders of the main constitutional parties in Northern Ireland, opened the way for a return to devolved government, with power shared between the UUP, the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) (which had emerged in 1971 as the voice of moderate nationalists), and the cross-denominational Alliance Party. Sunningdale provided for a Council of Ireland (a proposal contained in the 1920 Act) with equal membership from the Belfast and Dublin governments. Initially a consultative forum, the Council could evolve into an all-Ireland executive.
The combination of power-sharing with a Council of Ireland proved too much for Ulster unionists, and IRA and Protestant violence continued. In February 1974 anti-Sunningdale candidates took eleven of the twelve seats in the Westminster general election. A general strike by the Ulster Workers’ Council in May 1974 brought Northern Ireland to a halt. The executive collapsed and direct rule was restored.
The years after 1974 were marked by cycles of violence and multiple efforts to achieve a political solution. Although the Troubles were seen as the recurrence of an age-old Irish struggle, they had much more in common with late-twentieth and early-twenty-first century intercommunal violence and terrorism: high-profile bombings and assassinations designed to gain media attention as well as «ethnic cleansing» of mixed communities in Belfast, Protestant families from border areas and Derry City, and Catholic families from Carrickfergus. Catholics who worked for the security services were targeted, as were couples of mixed religion; tit-for-tat atrocities were common. Manufacturing employment fell by 40 percent during the 1980s; the public sector became the dominant employer and fiscal transfers from Britain accounted for up to one-quarter of GNP. The IRA’s objective, as in Ireland in 1920, was to put pressure on Britain to withdraw from Northern Ireland; Ulster unionists sought peace and continuing union with Britain.
NEGOTIATING PEACE
In November 1985 the British and Irish governments signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which created a mechanism for the Irish government to express its views on Northern Ireland policy. An Irish government secretariat opened in Belfast and provided nationalist input into policy in Northern Ireland. This strengthened the hand of the SDLP and enabled the party to withstand for a time the drift of nationalist voters to Sinn Féin. Unionists protested the agreement to little effect. The emergence of Sinn Féin as a significant electoral force can be dated to 1982, when IRA prisoners went on hunger strike to protest at losing political prisoner status. Bobby Sands (1954–1981), the first hunger striker, won a Westminster by-election for Sinn Féin, and although he died shortly thereafter, his candidacy and election confirmed the merits of combining politics with military action, described by the Sinn Féin leader Danny Morrison (b. 1953), who was also interned, as «the Armalite [rifle] in this hand and the ballot paper in this hand.» But the British and Irish governments refused to engage in formal talks with Sinn Féin until the IRA declared a cease-fire.
The Joint Declaration for Peace (1993), also known as the Downing Street Declaration, was designed to reassure Sinn Féin and Ulster unionists. The British prime minister John Major (b. 1943) declared that Britain had no «selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland» and the Irish prime minister Albert Reynolds (b. 1932) declared that a united Ireland would only come with the consent of the majority in Northern Ireland. This paved the way for an IRA cease-fire in August 1994, and ultimately, with significant involvement by U.S. president Bill Clinton, for the 1998 Belfast Agreement, also known as the Good Friday Agreement. The agreement restored devolved government to Northern Ireland, elected by a complex system of proportional representation, with an executive drawn from all the major parties. A north-south council consisting of ministers from both Irish governments could make decisions by agreement on matters of common interest, and a consultative British-Irish council would bring together ministers from all political assemblies in Britain and Ireland. The Irish government undertook to repeal Articles 2 and 3 of the 1937 Constitution, replacing them with an article affirming the entitlement of every person born on the island of Ireland to be part of the Irish nation.
The Belfast Agreement was endorsed by 71 percent of the Northern Ireland electorate. Catholic support was almost unanimous, whereas unionists were equally divided on the agreement. However the power-sharing executive that took office in December 1999 proved a fragile entity. The IRA’s failure to disarm meant that first minister and UUP leader David Trimble (b. 1944) was repeatedly threatened by anti-agreement unionists. In October 2002 the Assembly was suspended and direct rule was restored. Northern Ireland remains a deeply disturbed society: many working-class communities are «policed» by republican and loyalist paramilitaries rather than by the new Police Service of Northern Ireland; paramilitaries are active in drug-running and other lucrative crimes; and although the economy has recovered, it remains dependent on financial transfers from Westminster. The DUP and Sinn Féin have displaced the more moderate UUP and SDLP as leaders of the Protestant and Catholic communities, and there is little evidence of any significant cross-religious vote, although multidenominational schools are flourishing. The political alignment means that it will be extremely difficult to establish a stable, power-sharing government. The DUP is committed to union with Britain and is not prepared to acknowledge any form of all-Ireland institutions, while Sinn Féin’s goal remains an all-Ireland republic by 2016, centenary of the 1916 Rising.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Arthur, Paul. Special Relationships: Britain, Ireland and the Northern Ireland Problem. Belfast, 2000.
Buckland, Patrick. The Factory of Grievances: Devolved Government in Northern Ireland, 1921–39. Dublin, 1979.
Cox, Michael, Adrian Guelke, and Fiona Stephen, eds. A Farewell to Arms? From «Long War» to Long Peace in Northern Ireland. Manchester, U.K., 2000.
Elliott, Marianne. The Catholics of Ulster: A History. London, 2000.
Hennessy, Thomas. A History of Northern Ireland, 1920–1996. New York, 1997.
Hill, J. R., ed. A New History of Ireland. Vol. 7: Ireland, 1921–1994. Oxford, U.K., 2003.
Jackson, Alvin. Ireland, 1798–1998: Politics and War. Oxford, U.K., and Malden, Mass., 1999.
Mulholland, Marc. Northern Ireland at the Crossroads: Ulster Unionism in the O’Neill Years, 1960–9. New York, 2000.
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